The Victorian Senate Count – Why it’s premature to call the final spot for the DLP.
If the election night results for the Victorian senate are taken as indicative of the final outcome, then the DLP's John Madigan could win the final spot. Antony Green's site has a breakdown of the current numbers, which shows a DLP win on the current numbers, with 2 ALP, 1 Green, 1 Liberal and 1 National senators also being elected (note - that numbers and predictions in that link will almost certainly change as it's updated with the latest results).
In Victorian Senate contests over at least the last 15 years, the DLP has doubled its vote when it has drawn a spot to the left of the ALP on the ballot paper. They have also polled significantly higher whenever they have drawn a spot ahead of the ALP in the lower house seats they have contested over that period of time. This has occurred in the 2010 election, where the DLP's vote has more than doubled to 2.23% (on the current count).
| Year | DLP Victorian Senate Vote |
| 1998 | 1.05% |
| 2001 | 2.28% |
| 2004 | 1.94% |
| 2007 | 1.03% |
| 2010 | 2.23% |
The DLP have also shown once again what great preference negotiators they are (they won a spot in the Victorian upper house on about 2% of the vote in the 2006 election thanks to good preference deals). The DLP have a strong flow of preferences from the other right-wing micro parties.
However, it is seriously premature for anyone to call that final spot for the DLP.
Below the Line votes (UPDATE 22/08/2010) - Greens psephologist, Stephen Luntz has let me know that the initial primaries for BTL votes have already been counted, which makes this closer than I first thought - although we'll have to wait to see how BTL preferences flow, as they could go anywhere) should favour the Greens and push them further above quota, and their surplus vote, plus the Sex party and the residual Australian Democrats vote, may end up being enough to give the ALP the final spot.
Postals and pre-poll will favour the majors, and in Antony Green's current prediction (which shows the DLP getting elected on last night's figures) the split between the Liberals and the DLP when the Liberals are eliminated is less than 20000 votes. This should narrow rather than increase, and it's more likely that the Liberals will end up ahead of the DLP than behind them.
At this stage, I think its likely the DLP will end up losing in Victoria (although they could fluke it in on preferences). If I was going to make a prediction at this stage, I would pick Victoria electing the third ALP candidate to the final spot, giving Victoria a final tally of 3 ALP, 1 Green, 1 Liberal and 1 National. However, even if the ALP doesn't win the final spot, I think the Liberals are far more likely to pull ahead of the DLP at the crucial split and take the final spot.
Antony Green’s Senate Calculators online
Legendary ABC psephologist, Antony Green, now has senate calculators online for this year's election. Of course they can't model the preference flows of below the line votes, but given almost everyone votes above the line they could give a very strong indication of who will win senate seats at the end of the election night count.
Newspoll trends and Senate Group Voting tickets in an easy to read format.
There is an excellent analysis of recent Newspolls at the Pollytics blog at Crikey. It's well worth a read. It seems we may actually have a federal election that's too close to call for a change (that hasn't happened since 1998, where the Howard government failed to win the TPP count, but won a majority of seats).
Meanwhile, Antony Green has added the Senate Group voting tickets of all candidate groups and parties to his site. Check them out, and if you don't like them (or even if you do), vote below the line. He will also be adding a senate calculator, which will allow people to guess primary votes for each group and then see which candidates would get elected on the basis of the group voting tickets.
ACT Democrats senate preferences – Wrong and stupid
UPDATE 4 (02/08/2010 11.38AM) Darren Churchill has emailed me a correction/clarification to his original statement that the Greens broke a national deal in 2007. I have added his response as a comment to this post. I was only involved in national preference negotiations and state preference negotiations for Victoria for the Democrats in 2007, so I can't definitively comment on what may have been agreed to between the ACT Democrats and the ACT Greens in 2007. Either way, any further debate on issues relating to this topic should go in the comments.
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UPDATE 3 (02/08/2010 12.31AM) Darren Churchill made a demonstrably false claim in his email below that the Greens broke a preference deal with the Democrats negotiated at a national level to do a 2 for 2 preferences swap in the ACT in 2007. There was no national deal requiring a 2 for 2 swap in 2007, and you can see for yourself by looking at this media release from the Democrats own website. I also have an email copy of this media release in my archives from the 2007 campaign.
See the comments from Andrew Bartlett and me for more discussion of this at the end of the post.
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UPDATE 2 (01/08/2010 7.42PM) Darren Churchill has agreed to me publishing his email denying a deal, so I have done so below, in the section where I wrote about the Greens beliefs on the preference deal).
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UPDATE (01/08/2010 7.08PM) - I have received an email from Darren Churchill, ACT Democrats lead candidate and National Campaign Director denying the Democrats and Greens had a formal deal to preference each other ahead of both major parties. I've asked permission from him to publish the complete and exact text of his email to me on this post, and if he agrees I will add this to the relevant paragraph below.
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Senate Group Voting tickets for the 2010 Federal Election have been published today. I plan to write some more detailed posts about the parties who have nominated for the senate, and what their senate Group Voting tickets could mean over the next week.
The first party and Senate Group Voting ticket (GVT) I am going to write about is the ACT Democrats, whose GVT can be downloaded here.
First a declaration. I am a former member of the Australian Democrats, and have held various positions at a state and branch level in the Victorian Democrats, as well as being a federal and state candidate in the 1998 Federal election, the 1999 Victorian state election, the 1999 Holt by-election, the 2001 Federal election and the 2002 state election. I have also done extensive election analysis for the party at both a state and national level.
I'm extremely disappointed by the ACT Democrats decision to preference the Liberals ahead of the Greens and the ALP in the ACT senate.
I think it is wrong as it goes against the Democrats' principles, values and objectives. It is also monumentally stupid.
Historically, the Australian Democrats have had a directive for preference negotiators that applied across the whole party:
Preferences in the Senate had to be allocated to like-minded parties and independents first, followed by the Greens, and then split-tickets where preferences were allocated evenly between the major parties (the ALP and the Coalition).
The split-ticket was not to be deviated from unless there was a compelling reason to preference one major party over the other party. Finally, after the major parties, parties with values and polices that were against the Democrats core values and policies were put last. I know this is the case because I have done preference negotiations for the party at a state (2002 and 2006) and federal (2007) level, and operated under this directive. The party has been undergoing restructuring and change, so this directive may have been dropped, however it seems reasonable to expect the current Democrats to still value this principle when it comes to preference negotiations as being a sound starting place for basing their preferencing decisions.
On the face of it, the ACT Democrats decision to direct their preferences straight to the Liberals in the ACT goes against the principles that the Australian Democrats have historically espoused, such as the one I have outlined above, and is wrong according to their core values and beliefs. The ACT Greens candidate is Lin Hatfield-Dodds, a former ACT Australian of the Year Award winner, National Director of UnitingCare Australia and former President of the Australian Council of Social Services. Lin Hatfield-Dodds has an outstanding record as a humanitarian and a person standing up for human rights and social justice. Her record on these issues is exemplary, and in line with core Democrats beliefs and objectives. It's difficult to think of a candidate from any other party whose values are as close to Democrats values. If you take values, policy and record as mattering when it comes to preference decisions, then surely the Democrats should have directed their preferences straight to Lin Hatfield-Dodds? Given the way the Coalition abused their senate majority from 2004-2007, and are currently opposing a carbon tax or an emissions trading scheme, as well as having regressive policies against refugees and asylum seekers - both key issues that the Democrats have previously strongly campaigned on - how can they possibly justify preferencing the Liberals in the senate, particularly against an outstanding candidate like Lin Hatfield-Dodds? It makes no policy sense and is clearly against the Democrats' founding principles and objectives.
However, perhaps the current Australian Democrats have decided that principles and values are no longer the primary factor in how they make preferencing decisions. They may have decided that tactically and strategically they need to try to do preference deals that give their candidates the best chance of getting elected, even if it comes at the expense of their principles and objectives.
If so, their decision to preference the Liberals in the ACT is both tactically and strategically stupid. The Liberals will poll much higher on primary votes than the Democrats in the ACT election and the Democrats have no chance of winning a seat. As the ACT has only 2 senators, any candidate needs to achieve a quota of 33.3%+1 of the votes. The ALP will easily be elected to the first spot on primary votes, with the second spot that has previously been won by the Liberals under threat, as there is a risk for them that their primary vote could drop below the 33.3% threshold needed to guarantee them a spot. The ABC's psephologist Antony Green has an excellent analysis on the ACT Senate contest, which goes through the contest in great detail. In summary, the only candidates with a chance of winning the senate spot are the Liberals or the Greens (who will benefit from the ALP's excess quota if the Liberal's primary vote is low enough to put them into contention for the second spot). The Australian Democrats polled a woeful 1.84% in the ACT senate in 2007, so although they may increase on this slightly because there are fewer groups running for the ACT senate in this election, and therefore they have less competition, they are extremely unlikely to have a high-enough primary vote to pull ahead of the Greens.
Also, although the Liberals are directing their preferences to the ACT Democrats, given that the only other parties that are running in the ACT are the ALP and the Greens, the Liberals would have followed their past practice and directed to the Democrats anyway. Not to mention that there is no way that the Democrats will exceed the Liberals' primary vote in the ACT, so they will not be in a position to benefit from Liberal preferences.
Perhaps the Democrats thought that by helping the Liberals protect their senate spot in the ACT, the Liberals would reciprocate by going straight to the Democrats in the senate in other states, where there may be an extremely unlikely chance the Liberals will have an excess quota that could benefit the Democrats and help them in their Don Quixote-style tilt at winning a senate spot in other states? However, looking at the Liberal GVTs one can see that if this was the Democrats' strategy, then it has failed miserably, as the Liberals have preferenced Family First ahead of the Democrats in all the states. This is exactly what the Liberals did in 2007, and although the Democrats are ahead of both the ALP and the Greens on the Liberal GVTs, the Liberals have historically done this in federal elections, and would have done this anyway, even if the Democrats had directed preferences to the Greens in the ACT. The Democrats have gotten no strategic or tactical benefit from this decision.
By preferencing the Liberals in the ACT senate, the Democrats have potentially stopped the Greens from being able to immediately wrest the balance of power away from Steve Fielding and Family First. State Senators have 6 year fixed terms (unless there is a double dissolution), and the senators currently up for re-election have terms that expire at the end of June 2011. However senators for the territories are elected for non-fixed terms aligned with the House of Representatives and take their spots immediately upon their election. If the Greens win an ACT senate spot, the balance of power in the Senate will change and Mr Fielding and Family First will no longer be able to obstruct the government of the day.
Finally, it seems that the ACT Democrats actually broke a preference deal* --< UPDATE - see the text of an email denying a deal from Darren Churchill, below (I confirmed with the Greens national campaign coordinator Ebony Bennett that the Greens and the Democrats had agreed to a deal, see the relevant tweet here ) they had undertaken with the Greens to preference each other ahead of the major parties. Breaking preference deals made with other parties is extremely unethical and backfires in the long-term as other parties realise that the party breaking a deal cannot be trusted to keep their word. Preference negotiators in parties have long memories, and if the Democrats continue to try to campaign in the future, this decision will haunt them as other parties will be reluctant to trust them in the future. They have not only ignored their principles and values and trashed their reputation, they have also potentially handed Steve Fielding and Family First the keys to the senate for almost an extra year.
UPDATE (01/08/2010 - 7.45PM), the Australian Democrats lead candidate in the ACT and National Campaign Director, Darren Churchill has denied there was a formal deal with the Greens to exchange preferences ahead of the majors in the ACT. He has given me permission to publish his denial here. Here is the exact text:
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Hello Polly,
Please be careful spreading the following sort of information around:
"Finally, it seems that the ACT Democrats actually broke a preference deal (I confirmed with the Greens national campaign coordinator Ebony Bennett that the Greens and the Democrats had agreed to a deal) they had undertaken with the Greens to preference each other ahead of the major parties."
It is totally false! There was no agreement with the Greens.
We had national discussions on two occasions but they had gone nowhere, although seeming initially promising. The Greens had a list of parties they wanted to be higher than and could offer us the same. But they refused to negotiate when we asked for certain other parties to be included. It was all about what the Greens wanted - a complete one-way street.
Of course, the Greens will lie and claim things were otherwise. Just like they lied their way out of a two-for-two swap in the ACT (as part of a national deal) in 2007.
Regards,
Darren Churchill
Australian Democrats
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Darren has also directed me to a post on his blog, which explains his reasons for the decision to preference the Liberals in the ACT.
I personally find this reasoning extemely unconvincing, as The Liberals have been pursuing more regressive polices, such as moving further to the right on climate change (the Howard Government actually went to the 2007 Election proposing an ETS of their own), and back to advocating their past extremely harsh policies towards asylum seekers, so I wonder how much of a modifying influence Senator Humphries really has with Tony Abbott. I still strongly disagree with this decision from the ACT democrats, and believe that it doesn't fit with Democrats' values and principles, and that it is also a big tactical and strategic mistake.
That said, I am no longer a member of the Democrats, and as I live in Victoria, I of course, can't vote in the ACT, and it will now be up to potential ACT Democrats voters to decide whether they accept the ACT Democrats' arguments for this decision or not.
The rise of the Australian Greens vote in the Australian House of Representatives
As a former member of the Australian Democrats, I have observed with interest the rise of the Australian Greens' vote since the late 1990s, when it was below 3%. The Tasmanian Greens polled 21% in the state election earlier this year, and are now in a Coalition government with the ALP. The Greens have polled 16% in the latest Newspoll, and have consistently polled over 10% for some time now.
If current polling trends continue, The Greens look set to break the Australian Democrats 1990 record for a minor party of 11.3% vote nationally in the House of Representatives, and could realistically end up electing senators in every state (I will discuss their senate chances in a separate post) as well as winning their first House of Representatives seats in Melbourne and possibly Sydney or Grayndler.
So far, modern minor parties (I'm excluding the Nationals as they have a long electoral history and a stable federal coalition with the Liberal party) have failed to win a seat in the House of Representatives. The closest minor party candidates have come to winning an HoR seat in a general election was in 1998, where John Schumann (Democrats) in Mayo received 48.26% of the Two Candidate Preferred (TCP) vote and Pauline Hanson (One Nation) in Blair received 46.60% of the TCP vote . Unlike independents, minor parties could try to pitch themselves as potential participants in federal government if they could only break into the House of Representatives by winning and retaining seats at a general election. A strong nationwide HoR vote also lends credibility to a minor party's political platform and campaign issues, as it demonstrates they have significant political support. The Greens came close to breaking into the House of Representatives in the 2007 Federal election, where Adam Bandt received 45.29% of the TCP vote in Melbourne.
The Greens have grown their vote over the last 12 years by engaging in grass roots activism and consistently targeting local and state government seats to build their core support, rather than grabbing transitory protest votes at specific elections, in contrast to the Australian Democrats who followed up their record 1990 Reps vote of 11.3% with an appalling 3.8%, before recovering somewhat to poll 6.8% in 1996. The history of the Democrats HoR vote since the party's founding in 1977 shows inconsistent results until 2004, when there was a catastrophic decline in the party's vote.
| Year | Democrats HoR % Vote | Greens HoR % Vote |
| 1977 | 9.4 | |
| 1980 | 6.6 | |
| 1984 | 5.5 | |
| 1987 | 6.0 | |
| 1990 | 11.3 | |
| 1993 | 3.8 | |
| 1996 | 6.8 | |
| 1998 | 5.1 | 2.6 |
| 2001 | 5.4 | 5.0 |
| 2004 | 1.2 | 7.2 |
| 2007 | 0.7 | 7.8 |
Results taken from Dr Adam Carr's excellent Psephos website.
It certainly seems that the Greens consistent grassroots activism and effective targeting of geographic regions where their support is potentially strong has built up a resilient base vote for them. This approach has been successfully used since the 1980s by the UK Liberal Democrats, and any minor or micro party looking to build their vote to the point where they can win seats in single member electorates where First Past the Post or preferential voting is used should seriously target local government and state lower house seats where they can have more impact with the ability to dedicate greater resources to a targeted campaign.
Tim Colebatch has written an excellent article about the rise of the Greens' vote and what impact it could have on federal politics, and former Australian Democrats leader and Greens' candidate for Brisbane, Andrew Bartlett, has written an insightful piece on the challenges the Greens will face in trying to turn their current success in the polls into votes (and seats) when it's election day later this year.
It will be interesting to see if the Greens continue to grow their HoR vote, and with a first-term ALP government that is dropping in popularity, they may finally break through and win a lower house seat.